It could be argued that a hard border would complicate the work of this part of the agreement. The agreement reaffirmed its commitment to “mutual respect, civil rights and religious freedoms for all within the Community.” The multi-party agreement recognized “the importance of respect, understanding and tolerance with regard to linguistic diversity,” particularly with regard to the Irish language, Ulster Scots and the languages of other ethnic minorities in Northern Ireland, “all of which are part of the cultural richness of the Island of Ireland.” He described the “genius” of the agreement as a framework for “all relations on our two islands – between the municipalities of Northern Ireland, between the north and south of the island of Ireland and by the Irish Sea.” Brooke also tried to connect northern Ireland`s constitutional parties. He proposed that cross-party discussions should be tackled in three areas: the first to deal with relations within Northern Ireland; the second, which deals with relations between the two parts of Ireland; and the third on the links between the British government and the Irish government. Discussions began in April 1991, but quickly became part of procedural disputes. But the three-part format should be at the center of the Good Friday agreement. The aim of this document is to show that to find a solution to the Irish border issue arising from Brexit, we must go beyond the simple economic, social and economic threats posed by Brexit in Northern Ireland and in the cross-border relations between Ireland and Northern Ireland. The current problem of the Irish border is fundamentally political and constitutional and not socio-economic. But as a political and constitutional issue, the persistent problem of the Irish border is not just a consequence of Brexit. It is above all the result of the unfinished Belfast/Good Friday Agreement (GFA). In the two decades since the agreement, no real solution has been found to the issue of the Irish border, which has been at the heart of the conflict between Irish nationalism and unionism since the creation of Northern Ireland in 1920. Therefore, if the prospect of a soft or hard Brexit raises such a complex problem at the Irish border, it is not only because of its economic and trade implications, but also because of the political and constitutional weaknesses of the GFA itself.
1998 Good Friday Agreement Brexit